Teaching PATHways

The Teaching PATHways Programme is a guidance related learning initiative designed to support and diversify the teaching profession by identifying and addressing barriers faced by groups who are currently underrepresented in teaching. This report evaluates the programme's potential, implementation and impact, aligned with the broader strategic objectives of the Higher Education Authority’s National Access Plan (NAP) 2022-2028, which seeks to promote equity of access, participation and success in higher education. The National Access Plan reaffirms the role of education in transforming lives and breaking cycles of poverty and exclusion. The Teaching PATHways Programme, aligns with the National Access Plan, in seeking to empower all students to flourish and to reach their full potential.

The Teaching PATHways Programme aims to promote and enact the National Access Plan in the following ways:

• PATH Strategic Funding: The Teaching PATHways Programme is funded by the Higher Education Authority (HEA) under the Programme for Access to Higher Education (PATH), a strategic funding initiative established to deliver equity of access and opportunity with a particular focus on initial teacher education (ITE) (Strand 1).

• Diversifying the Teaching Profession: The National Access Plan clearly prioritises diversity in teaching, recognising that teachers serve as vital role models who foster a sense of belonging and support the ambitions of students from diverse backgrounds.

• Targeting Priority Groups: The evaluation of the Teaching PATHways Programme focuses on identifying deterrents and barriers to initial teacher education for all students, but particularly amongst groups currently underrepresented in the teaching profession.

• Inclusion and Agency: The Teaching PATHways Programme reflects the National Access Plan’s student centred goals, promoting ‘inclusion’ through an enhanced sense of belonging, and ‘agency’ through enhanced experiential learning and career based knowledge. 

• Guidance Related Learning: Guidance related learning is central to the Teaching PATHways Programme. This supports the National Access Plan’s goal of creating and highlighting flexible pathways that help students to transition to, and progress through, higher education. By identifying and addressing the perceived barriers to a career in teaching, this programme and its evaluation, contribute to the national effort to ensure that initial teacher education, and those who access it, reflects the diversity of the Irish population.

The Teaching PATHways Programme is a guidance based programme aimed at Junior Cycle students. The programme is a Dublin City University (DCU) Initiative. It is funded by the Higher Education Authority (HEA) under the Programme for Access to Higher Education (PATH). The Teaching PATHways Programme aims to respond to the objectives of PATH Strand 1 - ‘Initial Teacher Education’. Namely, to:

• increase the number of students from underrepresented groups entering initial teacher education; and

• provide more role models for students from these groups, demonstrating that there are pathways open to them to realise their potential through education. (HEA: 2015)

The Teaching PATHways Programme provides guidance counsellors and teachers with opportunities to engage Junior Cycle students in career-based learning at key points in early career development. The programme aims to provide early career intervention in relation to specific careers, such as teaching. Aligned with Junior Cycle Wellbeing Indicators and located within the Wellbeing area of learning, the programme unpacks perceptions of teaching as a career, particularly amongst groups that are currently underrepresented in teaching. It highlights the importance of challenging factors that limit career development. 

The Teaching PATHways Programme consists of bespoke units of learning, containing curriculum materials, resources, activities and carefully selected case studies. Units are accompanied by teacher guidance notes and digital supports. While the programme looks at teaching as a career, each unit supports personal discovery and career exploration in a general sense. Prerecorded screencasts for each year, guide teachers on how to use the units and offer practical advice on how to adapt the learning opportunities for specific settings and contexts. Teachers are supported in understanding how the units in each year build on one another but can also be accessed as stand alone units or via a selection of cross unit learning outcomes. This gives teachers the flexibility to engage with the learning outcomes in ways that best suit the needs of their students, as well as with consideration of the time available to them. 

To ensure accessibility and sustainability, the Teaching PATHways Programme is housed on the DCU CREATE website. Using the Teaching PATHways tab, practicing teachers and guidance counsellors can access and download units of learning and associated materials both in the Irish and English language.

Introduction

The Teaching PATHways Programme aims to unpack perceptions of teaching and to provide practical opportunities for students to explore and experience what ‘being a teacher’ might be like. While the programme looks at teaching as a career, it also supports personal discovery, well-being and general career exploration. The programme is relevant to all Junior Cycle students but is mindful of certain groups that are underrepresented in teaching, such as those from low-income backgrounds and those from ethnic minority backgrounds (Darmody and Smyth, 2016). Research pertaining to such underrepresentation will be discussed, followed by an overview of efforts to improve representation of these groups in teaching programmes.

How is Teaching Perceived and Who is (Un)likely to Become a Teacher?

Researchers have noted the consistent underrepresentation of certain groups in initial teacher education programmes in Ireland, relative to their prevalence in the overall population. Heinz and Keane (2018) examined data from the Diversity in Initial Teacher Education project to highlight the relative lack of men, people with disabilities and non-Catholics in ITE programmes, as well as those from minority ethnic backgrounds and lower socioeconomic groups. For example, they found that in 2014, 99% of undergraduate entrants to ITE programmes identified as white Irish, compared to 89% of general university entrants and 84% of the general population. Likewise, they found that those from socioeconomic groups A (professionals and managers) and E (skilled manual labourers) were overrepresented in ITE programmes, as were students without disabilities and those from non-Traveller families. Other Irish research has similarly noted the relative lack of those from low-income backgrounds and those from minority ethnic backgrounds in the teaching profession (Keane et al., 2018; Naughton, 2020). Research into attitudes towards teaching among these groups has consistently documented the role of perception, with teaching not believed to be a realistic or attainable career for many (Wilkins & Burke, 2015; Ni Dhuinn & Keane, 2023). The remainder of this section will examine the issue of underrepresentation in ITE programmes and the intersection of socioeconomic status, minority status and disabilities with engagement in ITE.

Underrepresentation in Initial Teacher Education?

The role of socioeconomic background in shaping students’ future pathways is one that has been extensively researched in Ireland. Inequalities in Irish educational outcomes on the basis of socioeconomic status have been noted by researchers since the introduction of universal primary and secondary education. Researchers have consistently documented, that in spite of an education system that facilitates and encourages participation of socioeconomically disadvantaged students, inequalities exist across multiple dimensions, notably Leaving Certificate grades and third-level progression (Lynch, 1988; Cowan et al., 2012; Fleming & Harford, 2023). The reasons behind such inequalities are complex, and include the persistence of a privileged class in Ireland who are able to maintain their elite position through the education system, and the stereotyping of ‘cultural deficits’ regarding students from low-income and marginalised backgrounds (Clancy and Goastellac, 2007). 

People with low levels of education and material capital are often less informed about the choices they or their children have and the services available to them. Knowledge - insider knowledge or lack of knowledge - has significant ramifications for educational outcomes in the Irish education system. Materially advantaged students - by virtue of their wealth - can buy various educational experiences (Unterhalten, 2003), and invest in, ‘concerted cultivation’ (Smyth, 2022)  and ‘shadow education’ (McCoy and Byrne, 2024), to embellish educational outcomes. Crozier, Reay, and James (2011) argue that the fear of being assigned to a life of low-paid insecure work drives the upper and middle classes to use education to maintain or advance their class position in society, simultaneously maintaining the status quo. Fleming and Harford (2023) conclude, like much of the literature on class-based educational advantage and disadvantage, that educational disadvantage is a deep-rooted, multi-factorial and multifaceted phenomenon, which is not amenable to facile or inexpensive solutions. They contend that to date, marginal progress has been achieved to solve the inequalities and inequities pertaining to educational opportunities in Ireland. 

Research in Ireland has found that young people from low-income or marginalised backgrounds do not lack aspiration; however, they do tend to lack knowledge and understanding of the education system in Ireland and how to navigate the system to achieve their goals (Saha and Sikora, 2008). The Teaching PATHway Programme works to enhance practical knowledge and understanding of the education system and in particular, of career progression. Keane et al  (2018) examined the experiences of student teachers from lower socioeconomic backgrounds in Ireland, specifically drawing on data from the Access to Post-primary Teaching (APT) project. Their qualitative study found that many participants reported negative schooling experiences, including a perceived lack of support and low expectations from teachers and career guidance counsellors, which they believe contributes to the underrepresentation of working-class individuals in teaching. However, for the study's participants, these negative experiences also served as a social justice based motivation to become teachers themselves, driven by a desire to support students in similar situations. 

The ability of students to access higher education, and specifically initial teacher education programmes, is dependent on meeting minimum subject requirements. For example, higher level Irish is required for access to primary school teaching, yet in Smyth’s research ‘65% of students in working-class schools dropped from higher level Irish compared with 12% in mixed/middle-class schools’ (Smyth, 2018, p. 48). Student engagement in subjects such as English, Irish and Maths and the level at which they are accessed, has significant implications for students’ overall educational expectations and self-perceptions (Smyth, 2020). International research has indicated that academic stratification corresponds with social and economic categorisation (McGaw, 2005) and in Ireland the link between socioeconomic status and subject choice and level of achievement, continues to contribute to a lack of representation of certain groups in third-level institutions. Recent research by Smyth, Brag and Perinetti Casoni (2026) reaffirms this situation, claiming that students at risk of academic failure including students from low-income families tend to have more conflictual relationships with teachers, underscored by low expectations and divergent values. However, their research also showed evidence of some teachers actively challenging unequal expectations, and others, particularly newly qualified teachers, as less likely to view low-income students through a deficit lens. 

Sala Rothen and McDaid (2022, p.166) suggest that ‘ethnic, linguistic and religious diversity has emerged as a fixed feature of Irish society in the last three decades’. The demographic profile of the school going population replicates these changes (Devine, 2011). However, migrant and ethnic minority background students face numerous issues in Irish schools, ranging from teacher deficit categorisations (Devine, 2005) to the alignment of academic ability with English language proficiency (Darmody et al., 2014). In addition, there is evidence of these students being steered towards less demanding academic pathways because of these perceived language deficits (Darmody et al, 2014). Archer (2008) observes that students from minority groups are very rarely identified in school as the ideal pupil and are thus prevented from occupying a positive academic identity. According to Ni Dhuinn and Keane’s study (2023), being considered to be academically weak, caused ethnic minority students to be severely impacted in their preparation for the Leaving Certificate examination. Several spoke of the lack of encouragement from their teachers based on negative assumptions about their academic proficiencies and wider academic abilities. Some students outlined that they had never been advised by school personnel of the importance of the Leaving Certificate examination in the Irish education system, while others noted that they were strongly encouraged by their schools and guidance counsellors to opt for Leaving Certificate Applied. Naughton (2020) further highlighted that students from ethnic minority backgrounds may face pressure from their families not to pursue a teaching career. Walsh and McDaid (2019) argue that there are two ways to diversify the ethnic composition of teachers in Ireland - through the recruitment of ethnic minority teachers into initial teacher education programmes or the recruitment of migrant teachers who have qualified outside of Ireland. In contrast, to professions such as nursing, teachers from other jurisdictions have not been given permission to work in Ireland even in times of dire teacher shortages (ibid). However, this proposed diversification model is based on the premise that teaching is viewed as a valuable and viable career choice. 

For a myriad of sociocultural reasons, while the composition of the Irish population is diverse, the composition of the teacher workforce in Ireland has remained largely mono-ethnic (Schmidt and McDaid, 2015). As argued by Darmody and Smyth (2018, p.129), the dearth of diversity among teachers in the classrooms in Ireland can result in minority cultural and social capital being ‘misrecognised and undervalued’. The researchers acknowledge the work to date by the Higher Education Authority (HEA) to diversify teaching under the PATH1 programme. However, they argue that formal inclusion of minority ethnic groups in education remains highly problematic. As such, in common with students from low-income backgrounds, those from migrant and ethnic minority backgrounds are subject to a range of factors which may contribute to a lack of interest in, or knowledge about, the teaching profession. Travellers are very much part of this ethnic marginalisation. In spite of the long history of Travellers in Ireland, and of obtaining full recognition as an indigenous ethnic minority group in Ireland in 2017, marginalisation and inequality have been the distinct reality for Travellers. Mulcahy (2012, p.311) describes Travellers as a ‘uniquely disadvantaged group’. 

The National Plan for Equity of Access to Higher Education 2015-2021 and the National Access Plan 2022-2028 set out a strong commitment to increase Traveller participation in higher education. Some progress has been achieved to date, however marked differences remain between Travellers and non-Travellers (Watson, Kenny and McGinnity, 2017). The 2022 Census found that 312 Travellers had a third ­level qualification, which was almost double the 2016 figure of 167, and more than triple the 2011 figure of 89. In the third level setting, however, the 2022 Census showed that only 4.7% of Travellers completed their third level education compared to 47.7% of the general population (TRES, 2026).

The challenges faced by Travellers in accessing higher education are further compounded in any effort to access ITE programmes. As noted by Burns, Colum and O’Neill (2022), some Traveller teachers report a lack of representation as being a factor underlying their own desire to pursue a career in education: ‘No one sees a face like mine, no one sees a Traveller at the top of the class… I wanted to do more and I soon realised that I could only do that from the inside…the only way to do this was to become a primary school teacher to make a difference’ (p.159). Equally, this lack of representation in the teaching profession, can contribute to a sense of exclusion experienced by Traveller children in schools (Brennan et al, 2025).

Students with disabilities are also underrepresented in ITE programmes in Ireland (Heinz & Keane, 2018). Historically, disability has been viewed through a lens of ‘deficits.. and .. limitations’ (Barnes and Mercer, 2010, p.1). In spite of an increased focus on the human rights of persons with disabilities (United Nations, General Assembly, 2006), the Economic and Social Research Institute (ESRI, 2014), reports that students with Additional Education Needs (AEN) at post-primary level in Ireland are sometimes steered away from traditional Leaving Certificate programme or away from certain subjects (e.g. exempt from Irish). This has consequences for access to ITE and representation in the teaching profession. In common with the other groups discussed, students with disabilities can be directly or indirectly dissuaded from a career in teaching.

Educational Policy and Representation Gaps

The role of educational policy in closing gaps in representation in higher education is an important one. In the Education Act (1998, Section 32,9), ‘educational disadvantage’ is defined as ‘impediments to education arising from social or economic disadvantage, which prevents students from deriving appropriate benefits from their education’. This definition is problematic in that ‘the story of educational disadvantage is as much a story about privilege as it is about poverty’ (Cahill and O’ Sullivan, 2022, p.474). This definition points to a cultural deficit model of education whereby:

a child may be regarded as at a disadvantage at school if because of factors in the child’s environment conceptualised as economic, cultural and social capital, the competencies and dispositions which he/she brings to school differ from the competencies and dispositions which are valued in schools and which are required to facilitate adaptation to school and school learning. (Kellaghan, 2001, p.5)

A system deficit model contests the cultural deficit model on the grounds that it locates the locus of disadvantage in the ‘factors in the child’s environment’ rather than in the political power which shapes what is ‘valued in school’ (Tormey, 2010). Davies and Bansel (2007) and Angus (2012) agree, suggesting that experiences and outcomes in education are due to the advantages of privilege. Cahill and O’Sullivan (2022) maintain that while the Act is ‘well-intentioned’ there are inherent flaws that disregard the inequalities faced by those living in poverty, and especially experienced in education.  Weedon and Riddell (2016) add that educational inequality is not confined solely to social class. It operates through the classification of individuals into different categories. 

A focus on educational disadvantage is also prominent internationally. A 2018 report from the Organisation for Economic Co-Operation and Development (OECD) defined equity in education as a scenario in which ‘students’ outcomes are unrelated to their background or to economic and social circumstances over which students have no control’ (OECD, 2018, p.13). Viewed this way, an absence of educational disadvantage would mean that all students - regardless of social and economic factors - would have an equal opportunity to perform in educational settings, and that their educational performance would be reflective of their abilities. 

In terms of policy, a 2023 OECD report highlighted that an international, one-size-fits-all policy regarding educational disadvantage would be impossible, due to the variance in states’ education systems, as well as the different ways they conceptualise concepts such as disadvantage and inclusion. However, the report highlights several principles that are important if reducing educational disadvantage is the goal, including the need for teachers ‘to have strong theoretical knowledge of differentiated instruction and the skills to put this into practice’ (OECD, 2013, p12). As such, the role of the teacher is one that is central to efforts to mitigate educational disadvantage, and the need to recruit teachers from a diverse range of backgrounds has been noted both domestically and internationally (Keane et al., 2022; OECD, 2023). 

Equality of Opportunity 

One attempted solution to the problem of educational inequality in Ireland is Delivering Equality of Opportunity in Schools (DEIS) initiative, the action plan for educational inclusion that was rolled out on a phased basis over the period 2005-2010 and is still in existence. The DEIS plan focuses on addressing the needs of children and young people who come from socioeconomically disadvantaged communities within Ireland. 

In the foreword of the second iteration of the DEIS plan (2017) Richard Bruton the then Minister for Education and Skills wrote:

My hope is that, over time, we can equip all schools to offer a learning environment in which any child can thrive without labelling of child or of school. By ensuring the best possible outcome, we can maximise the chances of every child getting the best opportunity to fulfil his or her potential in life. This is a journey, and this plan represents an important step on that journey (DEIS Plan, 2017).

Research into the impact of the DEIS scheme on educational outcomes has demonstrated mixed results. The first evaluation of the DEIS Post-Primary Plan was published by the Education Research Centre (ERC) in 2014 (Weir et al., 2014). While there were found to be improvements in retention rates and academic performance, substantial gaps remained in comparison with results achieved by students in non-DEIS schools. A more recent study by the ERC using data from the PISA cycles 2009-2018 evaluated the post-primary DEIS action plan. The researchers noted that ‘students in DEIS schools have consistently achieved significantly lower average achievement than students in non-DEIS schools; while the size of the gap has narrowed significantly in reading, it has not changed significantly in mathematics or science’ (Gilleece, Nelis, Fitzgerald and Cosgrove (2020, xv). 

Researchers have also noted difficulties in developing objective measures of the effectiveness of the DEIS scheme, noting the variation in outcomes across DEIS schools (Smyth et al., 2015), as well as the fact that educational outcomes for students are affected by multiple factors beyond the school site (Fleming & Harford, 2023; Ní Chorcora et al., 2025). Seen this way, any effort to investigate underrepresentation of certain groups in Irish tertiary education needs to pay attention to the ‘nested network of interactions between multiple environments’ that affect student achievement and third-level progression (Ní Chorcora et al., 2025, p.9) .

Additionally, evaluation of the DEIS scheme in Ireland is made more complicated by the government’s continued funding of private education. According to Cahill and O’ Sullivan (2022), for every euro which is taken from the public purse into delivering equality of opportunity in schools, there are similar euros poured into shadow education and privatised systematic gains through fee-paying schools, private schools, grind cultures and any other means that can be employed to cultivate success within a system that facilitates such inequalities of outcome. As such, efforts to reduce educational disadvantage through DEIS are hampered by money directed towards private schools. Additionally, researchers in Ireland have noted a class divide in how parents of students attending DEIS schools are treated by teachers. Burns and O’Sullivan (2022) found that middle-class teachers were more judgemental of parents in DEIS schools, whereas working-class teachers were more positive in their attitudes towards these parents. Increased participation in the teaching profession by those from socioeconomically disadvantaged backgrounds, therefore, might represent a way of engaging effectively with parents, in addition to any direct classroom benefits it may have for students (Keane et al., 2022). Teacher role models in the classroom undoubtedly enhance student-teacher relationships and help to address representation.

Other schemes that have been designed to increase third-level progression for underrepresented groups are Higher Education Access Route (HEAR) and Disability Access Route to Education (DARE). Both schemes allocate places with reduced points to students who meet certain social, cultural, economic and/or ability criteria. The schemes has been beneficial in terms of third-level progression, however as noted by Simon Harris TD in his forward to the 2022 National Access Plan for Higher Education, ‘Unfortunately, there remains significant barriers to access and some people and their wider communities have real fears about higher education’ (Higher Education Authority, 2022, p.3). In spite of reduced entry points, HEAR and DARE applicants must still meet the various subject requirements for particular higher education programmes and initial teacher education is no exception to this. This makes meaningful career guidance and clear advice surrounding the implications of subject choice and subject level, all the more significant. 

Early Career Guidance Provision

In a 2018 paper, Keane et al. made a number of important policy recommendations regarding career guidance in schools, of which two have particular relevance to the Teaching PATHways Programme:

• The need for additional investment in career guidance, especially in DEIS schools, since students in socioeconomically disadvantaged areas are more reliant on in-school guidance as they are unable to avail of the social networks or private guidance that can be resourced in more affluent areas. 

• All students - regardless of perceived abilities - should be actively encouraged to consider a range of professions, including teaching. 

More recently, an ESRI research bulletin, ‘Career Decision Making Among Young People in Ireland’ (Smyth, 2023) highlights that inequality in post-school pathways is influenced by the types of information and guidance young people access, which varies significantly by family social background and school social mix. Findings indicate that students from more advantaged families and those attending fee-paying schools rely more on parents, private counsellors, and individual guidance sessions, benefiting from greater ‘insider knowledge’ of the education system. Conversely, young people from less-educated families and more disadvantaged schools are more reliant on non-specialist school staff, suggesting a need to target additional guidance resources toward these populations to promote greater equality in higher education participation. 

Since pre-dispositions to going to college emerge at an early age (Harding, Parker and Toutkoushian, 2017), Smyth (2023) highlights the fact formal guidance may be offered at too late a stage for many working class children in Irish schools. Where guidance resources are scarce, they tend to be targeted at the upper end of the senior cycle, when students have already made their subject choices thus excluding a range of options that might open up pathways to teaching as a profession. Indeed, research has highlighted the importance of providing primary and lower-secondary school age children with some amount of career guidance. For example, Mordal et al. (2020) discussed the fact that by the time children reach primary school, they have likely already been exposed to discourses around future careers, and are already aware of at least some possibilities for themselves. As such, there is a need for - ‘A greater awareness of the variety that is available for them to select from, as well as a better understanding of themselves and their own preferences and choices’ (Mordal et al., 2020, p.246). Likewise, Hughes et al. (2022) found that primary school pupils had well-developed ideas about potential future careers that were available to them, and benefited from a targeted intervention about their future prospects Recently timetabled guidance counselling for Junior Cycle students has been a welcome development. There is a documented need for well-funded and well-resourced career guidance, delivered at an early stage for second level students so that they can make informed choices about their pathway to higher education and, in this case, teaching more specifically. 

Conclusion

This literature review has highlighted that in spite of efforts from the Higher Education Authority, and including initiatives such as the DEIS scheme, representation of marginalised groups in ITE programmes in Ireland remains problematic (e.g. Heinz & Keane, 2018). Despite Ireland's recent socio-demographic diversification, the teaching population remains overwhelmingly homogeneous, with white Irish students, mainly females, from middle-class, settled backgrounds and without disabilities, remaining over-represented. There has been significant State investment over several decades to promote equity and equality in education for students from low-income and marginalised backgrounds. The effectiveness of such policies remains debatable, with many scholars arguing that equality of educational opportunity is not imminent despite it being a moral imperative for policymakers in education. This review has highlighted perceptions of teaching as a career and the possible factors that shape those perceptions including perceived ability, subject guidance, teacher role models and teacher expectations.  Despite a greater focus on educational disadvantage in initial teacher education in  Ireland in recent years, Smyth, Brag and Perinetti Casoni (2026) suggest there is further scope for teachers to counter deficit perspectives and, more broadly, to reduce the cultural mismatch between teachers and students by promoting diversity within the teaching profession to a much greater extent. 

The Teaching PATHways Programme aims to provide secondary school students with an innovative programme to experience ‘being a teacher’. The programme aims to encourage students early on in their secondary education to consider pursuing teaching as a career. It also aims to unpack the perceptions of teaching as a career, particularly targeting those who are underrepresented in teaching, as discussed throughout this section.

The evaluation of the Teaching PATHways Programme was undertaken using a mixed-methods approach, combining both quantitative and qualitative data collection tools. The evaluation was split into a pilot phase (2022-23) and a full implementation phase (2023-24).

2022-23 Pilot Phase

The pilot phase served as an initial evaluation of the programme’s effectiveness and its position within junior cycle guidance. Data collection tools also included questions that sought to capture students’ perceptions of the teaching profession, personal desire to teach and perceived access to the teaching profession. The findings from the pilot phase were used to inform revisions and amendments to the content of the programme and associated guidance materials. The programme was piloted in 5 schools. All of the selected schools had a significant proportion of students from marginalised backgrounds and particularly from low socioeconomic backgrounds. This purposive sampling strategy was used to select schools with populations that are most underrepresented in the teaching profession (i.e. those from low-income and marginalised backgrounds). 2 of the schools had a DEIS status, while 3 had not. To best reflect diverse perspectives, participating pilot schools were located in the east and west of Ireland, in urban and rural locations. 

Data was collected from both students and teachers. Baseline questionnaires were used to gather initial data. 85 students across 5 DEIS pilot schools completed baseline questionnaires. A baseline questionnaire for teachers was completed by 7 teachers in the pilot schools. 

Semi-structured interviews were conducted after the programme's pilot implementation to gather detailed feedback. 5 focus group interviews were held with participating students and 4 individual interviews were conducted with teachers. 

2023-24 Full Implementation Phase

The second year of programme implementation saw a significant expansion of the programme, with a larger sample size. Schools were selected based on school type and location and also on availability to participate in the programme. In addition to DEIS and non-DEIS voluntary secondary, community and comprehensive and ETB schools, the full implementation phase also included a number of fee paying schools. The decision to include schools with more diverse socioeconomic populations than those included in the pilot phase, was based on the fact that culture and career perception can be a key determinants of underrepresentation in the teaching profession in Ireland, regardless of socioeconomic background. Please see the full list of participating school types and locations below.

In the full implementation phase data collection focused on baseline and post-implementation questionnaires. Questionnaires gathered both quantitative and qualitative data. 251 students across the 31 schools completed baseline questionnaires, while 58 teachers completed post-implementation questionnaires. Data collection questions were focused on students’ and teachers’ experiences of the Teaching PATHways Programme and its location within junior cycle guidance. Similar to the pilot phase, questions also sought to capture perceptions of the teaching profession and perceived ability to access the teaching profession, as well as personal desire to teach. 

Pilot Phase and Full Implementation Phase Data Analysis

The full dataset comprised 336 baseline questionnaires and 5 focus groups with students, as well as 58 post-implementation questionnaires and 4 semi-structured interviews with teachers. The data collection questions were framed around research questions that sought to ascertain students’ and teachers’ experiences of the Teaching PATHways Programme, while also gathering data on attitudes towards teaching and the teaching profession. Data analysis was conducted using Braun and Clarke’s (2021) thematic analysis. This involved repeated immersion in the data via transcription, categorisation and coding. Initial codes were used to analyse the data (deductive coding), while paying attention to emerging codes (inductive coding). All codes were categorised, interpreted and analytically framed within the thematic areas presented in Section 5.   

Ethical Considerations

The evaluation component of the Teaching PATHways Programme obtained full ethical approval from the Research Ethics Committee at Dublin City University (DCUREC/2021/264) in January 2022. Participants completed the evaluation tools on a voluntary basis, with consent and assent obtained from all relevant parties (teachers, students and parents). Assurances were also given that students and teachers could participate in the Teaching PATHways Programme, without participating in the research component with no negative consequences. Circa 760 junior cycle students participated in the programme, while 336 students participated in the research. The project team provided on site support in schools explaining terms to participants and answering questions relating to the research process. Every effort was made to ensure participants felt safe and well informed. All participants (and parents) were given full information about the study, particularly the purpose of the research and what participation involved. Pseudonyms were used to protect participants’ identities. Data was stored securely in both electronic and hard copy formats. Electronic files (including recordings and transcriptions) were protected by digital encryption and passwords, with access to the electronic data restricted to the research team.

Perceptions of the Importance of the Teaching Profession

Baseline surveys completed by students at pilot stage (85 respondents) and full-implementation stage (251 respondents), highlighted students’ views on the importance of teaching as a job. The data suggested strong agreement on the importance of the teaching profession. When asked - ‘Do you think teaching is an important job? - 89% of respondents from the combined data set answered ‘yes’. This was a strong indicator of the profession's perceived value amongst the post-primary students. Only 3.3% of respondents did not consider teaching to be an important job and 7.7% did not know. It is worth noting that when data from the pilot schools (which had a general higher proportion of students from marginalised and low-income backgrounds) was isolated, a slightly lower percentage of 83.5% of students believed teaching to be an important job, while 3.5% stated ‘no’ and 12.9% answered ‘don’t know’. This notwithstanding, the perceived value of the profession was high across all groups.   

Strong validation of teaching's importance stood somewhat in contrast to the attitudes toward it as a personal career path. When asked - ‘Have you ever thought about becoming a teacher?’ - the responses were far more divided. 30.5% of respondents answered ‘yes’ indicating some level of past or present consideration. However, a larger proportion - 58.7% answered ‘no’ and 10.8% were unsure. Amongst pilot participants, 65.5% said they had never thought about becoming a teacher. 

The below table highlights the disparity between perceptions of teaching and personal willingness to pursue it as a career.

The data above suggests that the societal appreciation for teaching does not directly translate into a desire to join the profession. The remainder of this analysis will explore the specific reasons for this divergence.

Why Teaching is Viewed as Important

The qualitative data provided through the surveys offers rich detail on why the teaching profession is held in high regard. The reasons provided by respondents who affirmed its importance can be categorised into three primary themes, each shedding light on a different aspect of the profession's perceived value.

The most dominant theme is the fundamental role of education in the development of future generations. It was a common theme in the baseline survey that teaching is important because it is ‘about educating today's youth’. This sentiment was articulated in various ways, with phrases such as ‘teachers educate the young’, ‘we need teachers for it’, ‘children need to be educated’, ‘educate our new generation’, ‘who will teach all the young kids?’. This widespread belief points to a public understanding that teaching is fundamentally good and that education is foundational for the positive functioning of society. The act of teaching is not seen as merely imparting facts, but as an essential process for ensuring a functioning and sustainable society for the next generation. One respondent even suggested that without teaching ‘the world would be in a shambles’ because ‘no one would know what is right or wrong’. This demonstrates a public awareness of a social contract - teachers are entrusted with the critical responsibility of equipping students with the knowledge and moral framework to navigate the world.

A second major theme links education directly to pragmatic outcomes, namely future employment and economic success. Numerous baseline respondents stated that teaching is important because it prepares students for a good future by helping them ‘get a job’. Responses frequently connected education to tangible economic benefits, with comments like - ‘with a good education, they can get a good job with good money’, ‘prepare them for college and/ or jobs’, ‘helps children to learn how to get a job’. This focus on employability is somewhat connected to a third theme around the acquisition of foundational skills and subject knowledge. Students made comments such as - ‘we wouldn't be able to do Maths or be able to tell a metamorphic rock from a sedimentary rock’, ‘without teaching, nobody would know any main subjects such as geography, maths, irish, english, history, science etc’. Teachers were said to help students ‘to learn and solve problems’ and to ‘learn a lot of subjects’. This view placed a significant weight of expectation on teachers to deliver measurable, real-world results, framing their role as a gateway to a successful life rather than a purely academic or economic one. 

A fourth theme touches on the role of teachers as mentors and guides. Some baseline survey respondents acknowledged that teachers ‘help students to become better people’ and are needed to ‘guide them and to help them learn and to ‘help people who might get confused as an adult’. This perspective moves beyond the functional aspects of education to recognise the role of teachers in shaping character and providing personal support. These responses suggest that while the primary public focus might be on the tangible outcomes of education, there is also an underlying acknowledgment of the teacher's capacity to influence a student's personal development. 

Dissenting Opinions on the Importance of Teaching

While the vast majority of baseline survey respondents considered teaching to be an important job, the small number of dissenting and uncertain opinions provide crucial context and nuance. Those who answered ‘no’ or ‘don't know’ did not necessarily reject the concept of teaching itself, but expressed dissatisfaction with the current educational system or its perceived relevance. For instance, one respondent stated - ‘I learn more from my Dad than in school’. Another argued that ‘School does not teach us about money, how to make money, how to sell, how to pay etc’. Interestingly both of the students quoted above attended the pilot schools. Generally, any critiques did not negate the value of learning but rather the current formal education provided by schools did not always align with the practical, real-world knowledge that some students valued most. This opinion was articulated more strongly by pilot participants, which may suggest sociocultural differences in perceptions of what constitutes worthwhile learning. 

Similarly, a respondent who was unsure about the importance of teaching stated - ‘I do and I don't because some subjects are important and others are not’. This sentiment was echoed in a later response which stated that teaching is important ‘when the subjects are relevant…like Maths and English’ but considered subjects like Irish ‘not important to be taught’ because ‘the language is near dead’. These responses indicate a fragile consensus that is tied to the perceived effectiveness and practicality of the subjects and the education being delivered. In this interplay, high regard for the teaching profession is only as secure as public perception of the relevance and applicability of the learning. 

Words Used to Describe Teachers

The words that came to mind when baseline survey respondents were asked to think about ‘teachers’ offer interesting insights and juxtaposing positive and negative associations. Participants could choose from a list of words provided or put forward their own words.

The selected words could be viewed as positive, negative and demographic. Positive words included ‘Fun’, ‘Brave’, ‘Energetic’ and ‘Smart’, suggesting that some students saw teachers as engaging, courageous, dynamic, and intelligent. However, these were counterbalanced by a significant identification of negative words, such as ‘Boring’, ‘Stressed’, ‘Angry’, ‘Strict’ and ‘Tired’. The co-existence of ‘Fun’ and ‘Boring’ or ‘Energetic’ and ‘Tired’, suggests that perceptions are often based on personal, classroom experiences rather than a holistic understanding of the professional reality. The high frequency of words like ‘Stressed’ and ‘Tired’ again indicates the perceived emotional and physical toll of the profession.

The most frequent ‘demographic’ words were ‘Old’ and ‘Young’ - describing teachers’ perceived ages. The word ‘Posh’ also appeared frequently. As previously noted, pilot schools had a general high proportion of students from marginalised and low-income backgrounds. In their description of teachers, pilot participants were most likely to describe teachers as ‘Posh’ and least likely to describe teachers as ‘Fun’. This possibly points to a level of sociocultural and socioeconomic divergence between students and teachers. In general, the words most frequently used by students conjure up images of teachers that are neither inspiring or discouraging; rather a blend of conflicting traits that can make the profession seem both appealing and intimidating. 

The five focus group interviews undertaken with students across the pilot schools, corroborated much of the above sentiment and provided elaboration on ‘what makes a good teacher?’. Students' descriptions of a ‘good teacher’ revealed their underlying values and expectations for the role. The most common themes revolved around patience, relational skills and a balanced approach to discipline. Students repeatedly emphasised that a good teacher ‘listens to your students’, ‘helps you a lot’, ‘explains things properly’, is ‘strict at times when it is needed but is nice at other times’ and ‘makes the boring stuff fun’. The ability to ‘relate to you’ and make lessons understandable for individual students was also highly valued. Data from the focus groups suggest that the students' definition of a good teacher was weighted toward interpersonal and emotional skills over and above mastery of a subject. They viewed teachers as mentors and guides who provide emotional support and make learning accessible and engaging. These findings confirmed for the project team that the Teaching PATHways Programme must address these relational aspects of teaching in addition to the traditional academic or instructional duties of the profession.

Aspirations to Teach

There was a notable disconnect between the high value placed on teaching by most baseline survey respondents and the personal desire to enter the profession. As noted previously, while 89% of respondents considered teaching an important job, only 30.5% had ever considered becoming a teacher. This gap between professional admiration and personal aspiration is a critical challenge for recruitment to the profession. The following two sections set out the personal push and pull factors that were said to impact personal interest or investment in the teaching profession. 

Attraction to a Career in Teaching

For the minority of baseline survey respondents who had considered a career in teaching, the motivations fell into two distinct categories: altruistic motivations and pragmatic job benefits. Much of the commentary made within these two categories aligned with points put forward about the importance of teaching (Section 1.2). In other words, what students saw as valuable aspects of teaching and the teaching profession, were also put forward as their own motivations to teach.   

The altruistic motivations were centered on a desire to help and educate. Survey respondents frequently mentioned wanting to ’give education to young people’ ‘help my little brother’, ‘I tend to teach my loved ones, things I know’ and ‘help kids get a good education’. Pilot participants who later participated in focus groups further commented on wanting to ‘make a difference in society’, ‘help people’, ‘inspire children’. This group was motivated by a genuine desire to serve others and contribute to the development of the next generation. For them, teaching was viewed as a vocation that would allow them to make a positive impact on the lives of others. This was sometimes tied to a personal interest in a particular subject, with one respondent noting a desire to ‘teach subjects I'm interested in’.

The second category of motivations was more pragmatic and utilitarian, focusing on the tangible benefits of the job. Many baseline survey respondents cited the appeal of ‘long summer holidays’, ‘time off a lot’, ‘good working hours’ and ‘money’ as reasons for considering the profession. One respondent expressed a desire to teach because they ‘get half the year off and can travel to Dubai’. Some focus group participants too saw teaching as a ‘good job’ with the potential for a decent salary. This suggests that for some, the decision to consider teaching is less about a passion for education and more about the lifestyle and work-life balance the profession is perceived to offer.

Deterrents to a Career in Teaching 

The reasons for not wanting to become a teacher were primarily focused on the day-to-day realities and professional challenges of the job, as well as students’ established perceptions of their own abilities.

The most significant and frequently mentioned deterrents were the perceived high levels of stress, difficulty and pressure. Baseline survey respondents expressed concerns that the job would be ‘too stressful’, ‘too much pressure’ and ‘looks hard’. This was often linked to the perceived workload, with mentions of extensive ‘planning’, ‘correcting exams’ and managing a large number of students. The belief that the job is excessively demanding, both mentally and emotionally, seemed to be a significant barrier for some students.

A closely related deterrent was the challenge of student behavior and classroom management. Numerous responses cited a lack of patience or an unwillingness to deal with difficult children or teenagers. Phrases such as ‘would not be able to cope with kids or hormonal teens’, ‘kids are annoying and I would have no patience’, ‘kids are too difficult to control’ and ‘I hate noise’ were common. This highlights a recognition of the emotional labour involved in teaching and a perceived lack of personal capacity to handle the behavioral complexities of the classroom. One respondent even said - ‘I would end up hitting a person’. Interestingly, students participating in the pilot phase were most likely to raise the issue of student behaviour and to question their own ability to handle such behaviour. In focus groups, some of those students from the pilot schools reaffirmed this, describing the job as ‘too stressful’ and ‘mentally taxing’, with some stating ‘I don’t have the patience’ or ‘I have a very short temper’. They also expressed significant anxiety about the emotional labour of dealing with ‘bad students’ and ‘loud students’.  Therefore, when it came to the possibility of becoming a teacher many participants had already negatively self-labelled their ability to work with children and to cope with perceived associated professional challenges. However, it could also be suggested that respondents were simply being realistic that the job would not be a good personal fit when they described working with children as ‘not for them’. Some described it as ‘boring’, ‘not my type of work’ or ‘not a job that I have been always wanting to do’. The idea of a career being a poor match for one's personality or long-term goals was a significant factor in rejection.  

For some students, a career in teaching was actively discouraged at home. One student felt their parents ‘would be against me being a teacher’ due to concerns about low pay and a belief that the student was not ‘good with kids’. Another believed the ‘vibe at home would not be positive’ if they were to pursue a teaching career. These findings suggest that while career-based learning can serve as a powerful introspective tool, its impact can be significantly influenced by a student’s familial and social context. The potential link between students’ negative self-labelling of their ability to work with children discussed previously and whether such views are perpetuated or challenged at home may be significant. 

Financial concerns also emerged as a key deterrent, with respondents noting that ‘the pay is not high enough’ and that teaching is a ‘bad pay’ job. Again this view was more pronounced amongst participants in the pilot study. This perception, when combined with the perceived stress of the job and one’s own inability to cope with such stresses, led to a dismissal of teaching as a career.

Perceived Barriers to Entering the Teaching Profession

Beyond the personal desire to pursue a career in teaching or not, practical barriers to entry were clearly identified in the baseline survey data. These barriers were related to the perceived difficulty of becoming a teacher and a widespread lack of awareness about support systems.

When asked about the difficulty of becoming a teacher on a scale of 1 to 5, the majority of respondents rated it as a 3, 4, or 5, indicating a general belief that the path to a teaching career is moderately to very difficult. 26.7% of all baseline survey participants believed that even if they wanted to become a teacher, they would not be able to. When responses from students attending only pilot schools were examined, this increased to 34.1%.  This perception is likely informed by a combination of the perceived stress of the job, the perceived demanding nature of the work, and the challenges of managing a classroom, as discussed previously. 

This perceived difficulty was exacerbated by a significant lack of knowledge about available support. When asked if they were aware of any financial or learning support for aspiring teachers, a large majority of respondents answered ‘no’ or ‘don't know’. Amongst the overall baseline cohort (336 students), 36.9% answered ‘no’, 51.1% answered ‘don’t know’ and only 12% answered ‘yes’. This lack of awareness was even more pronounced among pilot participants with only 9.6% answering ‘yes’. Of the overall students who were aware of supports, the types of supports mentioned were varied and often vague, including ‘Universities’, ‘scholarship’, ‘grants’ and ‘student loans’. The lack of information about existing resources, whether financial or academic, may be viewed as an additional deterrent that prevents students from potentially exploring the teaching profession further. 

The Teaching PATHways Programme aims to challenge many of the issues and perceived obstacles reflected in the baseline data. Its purpose is to provide students with opportunities to explore the day to day work of teachers, to engage with real stories from teachers and their journeys to teaching, to experience what it is like to be a teacher and to explore the practical supports available to students wishing to progress to further and higher education. 

The subsequent section of this report focuses on students’ and teachers’ experiences of engaging with the Teaching PATHways Programme and on how those experiences might have impacted students’ perceptions of teachers and a career in teaching. 

Feedback on the Teaching PATHways Programme Materials

Students were asked about their experiences of the Teaching PATHways Programme in focus group interviews at pilot stage. The most frequently cited enjoyable aspects of the units were the interactive activities and opportunities for self-discovery. Students from the five pilot schools reported enjoying a variety of hands-on, non-traditional classroom activities. Some students found the units to be ‘informative’, stating they were ‘different from what we would learn in school’ and allowed them to ‘hear other peoples’ opinions on things’.  Some described the activities as ‘fun’, with ‘discussions’ and ‘mindfulness activities’. The embedded surveys on students’ preferred ways of learning were particularly popular, as they prompted students to reflect on their own personalities and future aspirations. Focus group participants stated that these surveys helped them to ‘learn more about yourself and what you like doing’. 

Interviews with individual teachers in pilot schools also commended active, self-discovery based pedagogies. One teacher stated that the units ‘were well structured, the methodologies and activities were great’. Teachers felt that students learned about ‘what type of a learner they are’ and were facilitated in discovering their personal ‘skills and talents’ which they often did not know how to articulate beforehand. One teacher spoke of interactive, discursive engagement initiated through the units stating - ‘they (students) liked the pair work, the class discussion, they liked getting out the phones and iPads to do research, they liked the interactive aspect’. Another teacher spoke about being able to bring her own creativity to the materials: 

‘I tried to make it as creative as possible, as you can see in the portfolio of student work, they used colour, they talked about their goals, their talents, they tried to put a personal spin on it’.

This teacher was mindful of the diverse needs of the group - ‘you know yourself, every cohort is different; the interest, the ability is different as well, so I tried to tailor it to the group that I had in front of me’. The student-centred nature of the materials was also identified as a strength. One teacher felt the students ‘were excited doing something a bit different, it is quite student-centred, it is focused on students and what they like’.

The units were successful as a general engagement tool but both students and teachers at pilot stage requested more explicit focus on the exploration of teaching as a career. One teacher noted that the word ‘teaching’ was mentioned infrequently and only ‘towards the end’ of the initial unit, compelling the teacher to purposefully bring in teaching to the learning in order to maintain a connection to the intended theme. This was echoed by another teacher who felt that while the units contained some ‘great stuff which tied in well with guidance’, the opening unit was somewhat ‘detached from the focus of teaching’. The materials, they noted, were excellent for activities related to ‘goal-setting and the different types of learners’ but required significant personal effort to link them back to the specific role of a teacher. 

This was an interesting finding, as the project team had decided that too much focus on teaching as a career may lead to disengagement amongst participants who might never consider teaching as a career and that the transferable skills embedded in the Teaching PATHways Programme might be lost owing to such disengagement. The team was also mindful of the fact that subsequent units do make more direct reference to teaching. Nevertheless, these findings lead to updating the opening unit and to the creation of more specific guidance for teachers on ways to ‘call out’ teaching more explicitly. 

The Teaching PATHways Programme and Guidance Provision at Junior Cycle

In the pilot phase, student focus groups and teacher interviews discussed previously served to evaluate the effectiveness of the materials and their impact on career perceptions, particularly teaching as a career. The revised programme and supporting guidance materials were evaluated post-implementation vis-a-vis teacher questionnaires. In total, 65 teachers (some of whom were guidance counsellors) completed the questionnaire, which generated qualitative and quantitative findings.

Data collection with teachers via interview at pilot stage and post-implementation questionnaires revealed debate regarding the ideal age for introducing career-based learning. There was no consensus among teachers on whether the Junior Cycle was the right time, with arguments presented for earlier and later implementation. One teacher felt the material was ‘too advanced’ for first year students and would be better suited to ‘third year students at the earliest or TY (Transition Year) students’. In contrast, a different teacher, who taught second year students, believed that the age group had ‘already made up their minds in terms of what careers they wanted to do’ and that it was ‘too late to be catching them to discuss careers’. A more nuanced perspective was offered by a guidance teacher who argued that career guidance should not be a single event but a continuous ‘drip feed’ process, as is intended through the allocation of hours to guidance provision within the Junior Cycle Wellbeing Framework. However, the participant proposed that the conversation should start even earlier, ‘subtly’ in ‘5th or 6th class’ of primary school. At this age, it was suggested, the idea of a career can be ‘planted’ through exposure to different resources, guest speakers, and school trips, without the pressure of making a final decision. 

Junior Cycle students who participated in pilot phase focus groups considered the provision of guidance classes in Junior Cycle to be a positive and worthwhile initiative. The rationale behind this demand was well-articulated and highlighted a significance of lower post-primary guidance related learning. One student stated that without proper guidance sometimes students feel unsupported, especially if they do not want to continue to further or higher education:

‘Yes, I think that it would be good, because from second to sixth year, you are on your own if you do not do college. If you do college, you are not really on your own’. 

Another student spoke about wanting to learn about different job options early on so they can ‘build up separate paths and think about which ones you could take over the years’. This reinforces a preference for a process orientated approach to career development.

One student stated that guidance would help them to ‘have a picture in [their] head’ of what they might be good at and what they want to achieve. Again, some felt that early exposure to career options would allow them to ‘really work towards it’ and discover ‘better things that you like, that you don’t know about’. Students reported that engaging with the units helped them to self-discover, stating ‘they helped me to know what kind of person I was’ and ‘made me visualise what I want to be when I am older’. Activities, such as writing about ‘what I like and what I want to be’ served as prompts for students to reflect on their traits, strengths and future aspirations. The model of career-based learning described by the students moves beyond simply providing information towards a more holistic, process-orientated, identity-based approach to career education. The Teaching PATHways Programme aims to provide opportunities for students to engage in such self-discovery, goal-setting and career exploration activities, while aligning the learning with the existing Junior Cycle guidance framework. 

Alignment of the Teaching PATHways Programme with Junior Cycle Wellbeing

The alignment of the programme with the Junior Cycle Wellbeing area of learning, was positively endorsed by participating teachers. All interviewed teachers confirmed this connection, with some noting that the units looked at ‘a lot of areas of the Wellbeing Indicators’ and ‘tied in well with guidance’. One teacher explicitly stated that the programme overlapped with ‘things like goal setting, identifying personal interests and talents’, which they considered to be a core part of the Wellbeing Framework. Again, the type of learning that was said to be most engaging and effective for students was that which focused on self-awareness, goal-setting, personal-identity and self-discovery; aspects that align closely with guidance related learning at Junior Cycle.

This strong connection confirms that the units' most natural and effective home is within the Wellbeing area of learning. One teacher commented that the programme provided a valuable platform for students to ‘establish a sense of identity going forward’ and to explore their purpose in life. Another teacher cited some of the Wellbeing Indicators directly, explaining how they were enabled through various aspects of the programme: 

‘It was ‘Active’ in that we physically had to move out and go to the computer room, they loved that. ‘Responsible’, they had to come with their own skills and talents and their own genuine answers for the survey. ‘Respected’, I think that they found a new respect for teachers, for myself actually, I did not want to be a teacher and they know that now. I wanted to be a nurse but I didn’t get the points’. 

The success of this overlap highlights the value of integrating the programme into an established area where its strengths are already recognised and valued. This is significant for the impact and sustainability of the programme. 

Impact of Participation in Programme on Teaching as a Career

The programme evaluation suggests that a well designed programme of learning can effectively engage young students in career exploration, particularly when the embedded activities are personally stimulating and educationally relevant. Many teachers interviewed at pilot stage and surveyed at post-implementation stage, confessed that they did not expect the programme to have the socio-emotional impact it did. One teacher in a pilot school reported the unexpected insight gained through the programme from an exploration of students’ established views of themselves and their capabilities:

‘An awful lot of them (the students) had low self-esteem…some boys did not have dreams because they did not understand that they could have a dream…it was quite deep, I did not expect it to come up.’

This teacher suggested that students’ low self-esteem made it difficult for them to answer questions about their futures. This was brought to the teacher’s attention through learning within the units, discovering students’ socio-emotional needs and providing a framework for students to explore their identity and sense of purpose. The Teaching PATHways programme places significant emphasis on challenging established views and limitations by broadening self-perceptions, expectations and intrigue. One teacher noted how this unfolded for her students:

‘I could not say that they were on board when I introduced it (the programme). When I was looking at teaching as a career, a lot of them immediately checked out of the lesson, but as I went along, they did become more interested, they had a lot more questions for me.’

The student-centred, human-centred nature of the programme led to a type of intrigue and curiosity that encouraged student interest and participation. It resonated with students who may have been somewhat ‘on the fence’ about teaching, providing them with the necessary information and experiences to make more confident and informed decisions, as described by one teacher in a rural school:

‘I enjoyed doing it, so did the students… they engaged very well with it, it opened up an awful lot of questions that I did not expect to come up. I think that is another reason to allow discussions, probably why it took a little bit longer than what I anticipated. Not one of them wanted to be a teacher beforehand, I had two potentially at the end…an awful lot of ours are big into farming’.

The above quite confirms the influence of the programme, and of the importance of early guidance related learning generally. However, it also reaffirms that there is an interplay of factors that are not confined to the classroom but also extend to the home, where family opinions and responsibilities play a significant role in shaping students' career deliberations.

For students who had already considered teaching, the units were instructive and confirmatory. One focus group student stated ‘we learned a lot when we were doing the units, like how to be a teacher and all’. Some stated that they were already interested in teaching prior to commencing the programme and indicated that the programme provided them with the necessary information and experiences to validate their pre-existing inclination. 

The Teaching PATHways Programme served as a platform for open student/teacher dialogue and connection. As noted previously, one teacher shared a personal story about her own career journey, which she felt provided an opportunity for students to ‘find a new respect for teachers’. Another teacher noted that by having students examine the methodologies used in a class, they gained an appreciation for the extensive ‘planning’ that goes into a lesson. Another teacher spoke of emergent appreciation that came from students knowing the work that goes into preparing lessons, realising that there are ‘many different jumps... throughout the class’. Teachers consistently reported that students were ‘fascinated by discovering their learning styles and having a deeper understanding of methodologies’, noting that they ‘had never given this any thought before’. These moments of teacher/student connection and mutual respect were powerful and memorable. The units served as a valuable source of direct information, providing realistic engagement with people in the profession that went beyond a surface-level description. One student said the units introduced students to specific concepts, such as ‘teaching and the methods that teachers use’ which the students found interesting. This exposure to the tangible aspects of the job, from methodologies to the demands of the classroom, played a crucial role in demystifying the profession.

Student engagement was said to be at its peak when the learning concentrated on concrete aspects of the teaching profession. The most impactful activities were those that humanised teachers. Students in focus groups stated that they ‘especially liked that many [teachers] became teachers because of a teacher who taught them’ and this personal, narrative-driven approach made the career relatable. Exploring motivations to teach, led to a ‘lively discussion’ about the true meaning of teaching. The ‘interviewing teachers’ activity was a particular highlight, creating a direct, personal connection with teachers in the schools. In post-implementation surveys, teachers commented on this: 

‘They (the students) asked their teachers why they became teachers. They especially liked that many became teachers because of a teacher who taught them, and their wish to improve the life of their students by excellent teaching. They never heard of intrinsic and extrinsic motivation and had a lively discussion on which is more important in the life of a teacher’

‘They surveyed their teachers to find out why they became teachers and whether or not they regretted their decision to become a teacher - very interesting responses’

‘They were interested in me talking about my experience of training as a teacher and other stories I shared of some of their teachers. They liked real life examples. They were very interested when I spoke about DARE/HEAR pathways’

Teachers suggested that the most successful components of the programme were achieved by balancing practical information (e.g. access pathways) with direct, personal, human-centered activities such as interviewing teachers and discussing motivation. The students' fascination with concepts like learning pyramids and teaching styles, as well as teachers’ personal journeys, impacted their perceptions of ‘the teacher’; a potentially crucial step in generating interest in the profession. 

Accessibility and Sustainability of the Teaching PATHways Programme

To ensure accessibility, the Teaching PATHways Programme is housed on the DCU CREATE website. Using the  Teaching PATHways tab, practicing teachers and guidance counsellors can access and download units of learning and associated materials in English and Irish. Prerecorded screencasts for each year, guide teachers on how to use the units and offer practical advice on how to adapt the learning opportunities for specific settings and contexts. Teachers are supported in understanding how the units in each year build on one another but can also be accessed as stand alone units or via a selection of cross unit learning outcomes. This gives teachers the flexibility to engage with the learning outcomes in ways that best suit the needs of their students, as well as with consideration of the time available to them. 

The lower second level focus of the programme makes it challenging to ascertain statistical evidence of progression to initial teacher education. However, it is possible to gauge the qualitative impact of the programme through participant voice (as seen in the examples above) and quantitatively to track overall engagement with the programme through web activity and material downloads. From April 2024 to June 2025, the Teaching PATHways Programme was viewed online 689 times and downloaded 458 times. This indicates high level interest in the programme and validates the importance of early career related learning. When students receive guidance provision early, their aspirations are less likely to be prematurely restricted by stereotypes and preconceptions. Indeed, giving students a wide range of experiences and exposure to careers, skills and work contexts has been highlighted as important career-related learning, even for primary school students (Kashefpakdel, Rehill and Hughes, 2018). 

Conclusions

Altruistic motivations and pragmatic job benefits can encourage teaching as a career. The data suggests that for young post-primary students who would consider entering the teaching profession, the motivations to teach are interesting - one driven by a sense of vocation and the other by practical benefits. The altruistic motivations centre on a desire to help others and share knowledge, while pragmatic job benefits often centre on time off and holidays. The potentially conflicting nature of these motivations could have implications for job satisfaction and long-term retention. A teacher motivated primarily by lifestyle, for example, may be less driven by an internal desire to help children or to cope with the challenges that might sometimes entail. 

The research highlights a gap between perception of teaching as a career and personal aspiration to teach. This poses a significant challenge for teacher recruitment. The ‘admiration/aspiration’ gap is underscored by a dichotomous tension between the value of teaching and teachers for the positive functioning of society, and clearly defined deterrents and perceived barriers to entry. The data suggests that the primary factors discouraging students from a teaching career relate to the perceived stress and emotional demands of the job. Teachers’ workload is seen to be high and challenging. This is compounded by some student’s self-perceived lack of personal capacity to manage student behaviour and classroom relationships and the associated emotional labour. The possibility that teachers are not adequately financially compensated (i.e. that the pay is ‘not high enough’) also emerged as a deterrent. In essence, the profession is admired in the abstract for its foundational role in society and its capacity to scaffold economic opportunity, but it is simultaneously cautioned on a personal level due to its perceived challenges: high stress, poor compensation and demanding student management. This situation is further complicated by a significant lack of awareness regarding the support systems available to aspiring teachers and a perception that it is moderately to very difficult to access a teaching career. This perception of difficulty appears to stem in part from a notable lack of information regarding access routes and available support. These findings point towards the importance of starting guidance early in Junior Cycle and towards the importance of interventions that combine knowledge and self-discovery, such as the Teaching PATHways Programme. 

The Teaching PATHways Programme serves as a structured framework for self-discovery. The findings suggest that the units do not simply present teaching as an abstract career; they provide a mirror, allowing students to proactively connect their own interests, values and personality traits to a potential professional identity. The programme design sequentially builds from personal self-reflection on skills and talents, to exploration of the mechanics of pedagogy and teaching style, to teaching as a professional career, delving into motivations, stories and pathways. The combination of direct relevance, personal narrative and intellectual depth creates a powerful framework for students to (re)consider teaching. By leveraging personal stories, demystifying the professional skills of teaching, and fostering direct interaction with working professionals, the Teaching PATHways Programme has the capacity to impact students’ perceptions, provide tangible experiences and supports and make a powerful case for teaching as a meaningful career. Beyond teaching, providing opportunities for career exploration that lead to more confident and informed decisions, is a key objective of the programme. This process is effective whether it leads to a positive alignment with teaching and desire to teach or more confidence that a career in teaching is not a suitable fit. The data strongly affirms the unexpected socio-emotional impact of participation in the programme, helping students with low self-esteem to explore their identity and sense of purpose, challenging their belief that they dare not ‘dream’. The programme's success should not be measured solely by the number of students who chose teaching, but by the quality of self-awareness and the informed nature of the decisions students were empowered to make. 

Recommendations

The findings suggest that guidance related learning should be holistic, start early and directly address perceived barriers and lack of information.

It is important that teaching is explored as a relational profession, with a focus on relational skills. Creating opportunities to explore the relational aspects of teaching (patience, listening and mentoring) can help students gauge their suitability beyond just academic capacity and to make informed decisions. Directly confronting student anxieties about classroom behaviour and relationships through realistic skills development is crucial for challenging self-perceived limitations and building self-confidence and belief.

Career development in general should be viewed as a continuous, process-oriented, identity-based approach rather than a single event. Career possibilities should be approached early and as a continuous process, possibly as early as primary school (5th or 6th class). Guidance related learning at Junior Cycle should be practical, focused on self-discovery, goal-setting and personal identity, to help students build a ‘picture in their head’ of future possibilities. 

There is a critical need for accessible, targeted information on financial and academic support systems (like HEAR/DARE and related grants/scholarships) to demystify entry processes from an early age and reduce perceived barriers.

High-quality continuous professional development should be available to existing teachers, guidance counsellors and school leaders to effectively confront and challenge the structural barriers and possible negative perceptions held by or about students, particularly those from certain marginalised communities and/or certain socioeconomic backgrounds. 

The perception that teaching is a highly demanding and stressful profession is a barrier for recruitment and retention. Research suggests that teacher burnout is indeed a reality for many teachers (Fitzsimons, O'Farrell and Furlong, 2025; UNESCO, 2024). Beyond simply encouraging young people to consider a career in teaching, it must be evident that current teachers are adequately and holistically nurtured and supported.

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